Verdwijning typisch landschap door kortzichtig beleid

Door gebrek aan een doordacht ruimtelijk en onroerend goed beleid, is er een zorgwekkende ontwikkeling gaande op Curaçao, die potentieel vérstrekkende maatschappelijke gevolgen heeft. Niet alleen voor de ruimtelijke ontwikkeling en het fysieke aanzicht van ons landschap, maar ook voor de sociale harmonie en duurzame sociaal-economische ontwikkeling. Er zijn inmiddels bijna geen betaalbare gronden en woningen meer voor de gemiddelde Curaçaoënaar waardoor velen er voor kiezen om niet terug te keren naar het eiland. Deze nota* stelt deze ontwikkeling ter discussie.

Analyse
In hoog tempo worden de laatste jaren gronden en huizen door buiten het eiland geboren, kapitaalkrachtige personen gekocht. En met name onroerend goed op de ‘prime locations’, zoals langs de kust en historische landhuizen. Sommigen spreken van beladen termen zoals “herovering van het eiland” die niet persé van toepassing zijn, maar wel een aanduiding geven van deze trend.

Terwijl het gros van de kopers ongetwijfeld eerlijke bedoelingen heeft, is het ook duidelijk dat er een behoorlijk aantal gelukzoekers, speculanten en mensen met bedenkelijke (financiële) antecedenten in hun land van herkomst op de lokale markt afkomt. Opvallend is o.a. de toename van kopers van de voormalige Europese communistische landen (welke geen link hebben met Curaçao). De niets vermoedende lokale particuliere verkopers lopen de kans belazerd of tegen elkaar uitgespeeld te worden. Ook de overheid loopt risico. Bovendien zijn deze praktijken niet bevorderlijk voor ons imago.

Een veronrustend aspect dat aan de geconstateerde trend kleeft, is dat handelaren die lokaal onroerend goed opkopen om het vervolgens tegen een hogere prijs te verkopen de lokale marktprijzen omhoog schroeven in het nadeel van de lokale, en vooral de minder kapitaalkrachtige, burger.

Tenslotte, mede vanwege de door de kapitaalkrachtige immigranten geïntroduceerde vele verschillende stijlen van bebouwing, beplanting en bewoning, verdwijnt het traditionele kenmerkende landschap van Curaçao met haar landhuizen, knoekhuisjes, (voormalige) plantages en hofjes, dammen, putten en rooien het semi-aride milieu, typische flora en fauna. Het typerende lokale landschap is zeer zeldzaam in de context van het Caribish gebied en zal hierdoor steeds moeilijker worden om toeristisch te promoten.

Welke omstandigheden dragen bij aan de hier waargenomen trend? Enerzijds zijn er ‘push factors’, n.l. factoren die kopers in hun land van herkomst (vooral Europa) stimuleren om op Curaçao naar onroerend goed op zoek te gaan. Het gaat hierbij om hun stijgende welvaartsniveau en de daarmee gepaard gaande groeiende financiële mogelijkheden (en behoefte). Anderzijds is er sprake van lokaal aanwezige ‘pull factors’ die de betrokkenen hier naar toe trekken. Veel lokale burgers hebben schulden en zijn daardoor makkelijk ‘gestimuleerd’ hun huis te verkopen. Het gaat echter met name om een gebrek aan een doordacht en daadkrachtig ruimtelijk en onroerend goed beleid, gekoppeld aan beperkte controlemechanismen en handhavingscapaciteit.

Toekomst en conclussie
Zoals reeds uit de bovenstaande uiteenzetting blijkt, heeft de in deze sector geconstateerde trend, invloed op verschillende issues zoals de economie, cultuur, de sociale harmonie (een verscherpte en in ruimtelijke zin zichtbare tweedeling tussen rijk en arm en tussen blank en gekleurd, buitenlands en lokaal), de gevolgen van verschuivingen in de leeftijds- en welvaartssamenstelling van de bevolking.

Het is noodzakelijk te komen tot een visie, bewust en gericht beleid, wetgeving, adequate planning, effectief toezicht en evaluatie. De betrokken overheidsdiensten zijn té administratief bezig en in onvoldoende mate pro-actief/strategisch. De bestaande wetgeving, zoals het Eilandelijk Ontwikkelingsplan en de Monumentenverordening met hun respectievelijke uitvoeringsvoorschriften, moet worden aangescherpt om ontwikkelingen in de onroerend goed sector te sturen en om tegen verkeerde zaken op te treden.

In het gevoerde beleid moet meer erkenning komen voor het traditionele landschap als onderdeel van het historisch erfgoed en culturele identiteit van Curaçao. Anderzijds moet dit beleid dienen als een instrument ter waarborging van een uniek toeristisch product.

Het is niet bedoeld dat het beleid zich tegen modernisering of buitenlanders keert. Modernisering is onvermijdelijk en diversiteit is gewenst. Van de overheid mag worden verwacht dat haar beleid niet kortzichtig en uitsluitend op economisch gewin is gericht, doch dat dit als uitgangspunt heeft het welzijn van de huidige en toekomstige generaties.

Willemstad, Curaçao

*Deze nota is een aangepaste 2013 versie.

Love them or hate them: 10 Soviet brutalist constructions

During my visits to Central Asia and the Balkan I began noticing these amazing buildings and art meant to show the power and political ideals of a Soviet communist workers’ empire. It’s referred to as Soviet béton brut or simply, brutalism. Soviet architecture systematically gets a bad rap: too much concrete and seemingly beamed in from a remote planet. But, I’ll let you be the judge. These are some photos I took in Kyrgyzstan, Bulgaria, Macedonia and Albania, all of them former Soviet satelites.

Unnamed, Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan)
This piece of art stands in a park behind the International University of Kyrgyzstan. It bears no sign, name or explanation.

D6138CAD-0F3F-4A81-B118-F123A47F8DA0

Main Post Office, Skopje (Macedonia)
The post office in Skopje is remarkable. It consists of big soviet style concrete blocks combined with a construction added on years later representing a “futuristic insect with upturned legs” made in reinforced concrete.

80B9FDBF-A462-4FF0-8F02-3459B3CBB27E

The Wedding Palace, Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan)
The communists banned all public religious expressions. Marriage was reduced to a formal affair carried out in government offices. The Kyrgyz people however insisted that they had a right to wed in religious establishments. The authorities were unwilling to accept this, but were willing to compromise. And so emerged the non-religious wedding palace which looks like it could be a castle, a church, a temple, something from science fiction or a combination of all of the above.

F613DD16-1EE5-4384-B470-34350F3E0D21

Statue of Lenin, Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan)
Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, better known as Lenin, was the founder of the Russian Communist Party. This statue depicts him showing the masses the correct path to Peace, Land and Bread. He’s pointing here to the North. Curiously this statue used to be in a more prominent spot before 2003 where he was pointing to the South. A powerful symbolism of the state of affairs of the communist ideology?

2A1C975A-E5F5-4AC8-8756-836F89883D79

The National Museum of History, Tirana (Albania)
This is the largest museum in the country. It was opened on 28 October 1981. Above the entrance of the museum is a large Soviet-style mural mosaic titled The Albanians that depicts purported ancient to modern figures from Albania’s history.

B23ED7B4-213B-4DA0-A325-36A6CCA8777D

The Circus Building, Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan)
The communist state viewed circus performances as an egalitarian form of entertainment to be enjoyed by the masses and built many permanent circus buildings in the Soviet Republics. The shape of this building, which was constructed in 1976 looks a bit like a UFO or something slightly unworldly. There are still regular shows being held here.

D128F57E-5C5A-4934-8490-43F50D70E490

Friendship Monument, Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan)
This is a monumental Soviet art opened in 1974 in the honor of the 100th anniversary of the voluntary accession of Kyrgyzstan to Russia. Two tall pylons made of white marble are girded with expressive high relief with the figures personifying the Russian and Kyrgyz people connected by ties of unbreakable friendship. Kyrgyzstan became independent in 1992.

9ACC18AF-BC84-4000-9CC0-2112854930A8

The Pyramid, Tirana (Albania)
On 14 October 1988 this structure opened as the Enver Hoxha museum in honor of the Albanian communist dictator who had died three years earlier. The structure was co-designed by Hoxha’s daughter. Some claim that at that time it was the most expensive individual structure ever constructed in Albania. Many would like to destroy the specter of communist rule, whilst a vociferous group of Albanians wants to keep it.

1C9E4CEF-3563-49E5-82E5-1D42F157FFEE

Ala Too Cinema, Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan)
Located on the main square in the heart of Bishkek is Ala Too Cinema. It is the largest cinema in Bishkek. In addition to watching a movie, you can enjoy the sculptures decorating the walls of the building that depict Soviet cosmonauts and other Soviet heroes.

19C350E3-F1DE-4D32-9B66-889DD24411FA

Partien Dom, Sofia (Bulgaria)
At the end of Independence Square in Sofia is the evidence how former Communism leaders in Bulgaria made their effort to follow the whole Communism concept and establish a grandiose building. It used to house the Communist Party. A massive Soviet red star used to crown this building. However, when Bulgarians attempted to torch the building in 1990, the star was removed in a hasty manner and substituted by the flag of Bulgaria. Today the building is mainly used as Government offices.

AB3D3DC5-B056-430E-86A2-C70A1CFC8F0E

Istanbul, Turkey

Guera na Siria spliká den 7 punto

E situashon na Siria tin bo konfundí? Riba petishon di algun hende mi ke trese algu di klaridat. E guera Sirio ta kompliká pa motibu di e gran kantidat di aktornan embolbí. Tampoko e ta simplemente un kuestion di ‘un grupo bon’ kontra ‘un grupo malu’. Pues semper ta bon tuma di nota di e diferente aspektonan promé ku saka konklushon.

1. Algun detaye di Siria
Siria ta un pais Árabe ku un poblashon di 20 mión. E ta mitar di e grandura di Alemania i tin frontera ku Turkia, Irak, Jordania, Israel i Libanon. Bashar al-Assad, Presidente di Siria, i promé ku n’e su tata, ta na mando for di 1971. Famia al-Assad ta Alawit, un sekta di Islam Shia. E mayoria di Sirio ta Islam Suni. E klase medio di Siria, apesar di tur kos, ta sostené al-Assad pasombra ta difísil pa nan konfia esnan den e koalishon di oposishon

2. Komienso di guera na Siria
E problemanan Sirio no tabata di índole religioso. Hopi tabata fadá ku al-Assad pa motibu di falta di kupo di trabou i pobresa. E chispa a bin na komienso di 2011 na momentu ku al-Assad a baha ku man duru riba un grupo di mucha ku tabata pinta grafitti kontra di su gobièrnu. A detené e muchanan i algun di nan a keda brutalmente torturá i asta a bin muri bou di siskunstansianan straño den prizon. Esaki a kondusí na protesta ku kada biaha a bira pió pasombra al-Assad no a kastigá esnan kulpabel. E protesta na Siria indudablemente a keda influensiá e tempu ei pa e seri di protestanan den mundu Árabe (Tunesia, Libia, Egipto i mas) mihó konosí komo Primavera Árabe.

3. Guera ta intensifiká
E guera ta intensifiká mei-mei di aña 2011 ku lantamentu di Free Syrian Army (FSA) ku e meta pa via di lucha armá kore ku al-Assad. Hopi grupo lokal a disidí pa tambe kue arma i djòin e lucha. Problema tabata ku kada ken tabata tin su mes agènda pa bringa al-Assad i FSA no por a kontrolá e gruponan. Pa kompliká kos, un grupo ekstremista Sirio (konsistiendo di militarnan rabiá ku al-Assad) i tambe estranhero (Oropa, Sentral Asia i Merka) bon armá a djòin FSA. Dor ku ‘FSA original’ no tabatin sufisiente arma i sòldá, a akseptá e gruponan aki. Meimei di tur konfushon, ISIS tambe ta subi tarima ku e propósito pa kita al-Assad, apoderá di mas teritorio Sirio posibel pa su kalifato. Tantu al-Assad komo FSA ta bringa ISIS, mientras ku na mes momentu nan ta bringa otro tambe. Pues no ta trata aki di un sólo guera, pero vários guera ku vários aktor.

4. Koalishon anti-ISIS
En bista di e manera rápido ku ISIS tabata okupá teritorio na Siria, a forma un aliansa entre di e grupo étniko Kurdo i gruponan mas chikí prosedente di Armenia i Chechenia pa bringa ISIS. Despues di bataya sangriente e aliansa aki ku sosten di Merka práktikamente ta logra kore ku ISIS for di Siria. Merka (pa straño ku por zona) tambe (t)a sostené e trupanan di al-Assad den e lucha kontra ISIS.

5. Ningun ta santu
E pensamentu ku a krea ku e gruponan kontra di al-Assad ta bringa pa trese hustisia i libertat na Siria no ta kuadra. Tin prueba ku e koalishon di FSA den nòmber di bringa gobièrnu ta kometé atrosidatnan rònt Siria kontra e poblashon sívil. Di otro banda, meskos ta e kaso pa e trupanan di al-Assad i ISIS. Míles di sívil a muri (segun algun sifra, 100,000) mientras mas ku algun mión di hende a bandoná Siria komo refugiado.

6. Guera sívil ta bira un konflikto mundial
Tin vários aktor ku ta mete o tin un interes den e konflikto na Siria.
Iran: E pais ta sostené al-Assad. Iran ta Islam Shia meskos ku famia al-Assad. Iran tambe mester di Siria pa sigui sostené Hezbollah na Lebanon den su akshonnan kontra di Israel. Iran ta kontra ISIS.
Saudi Arabia: e pais aki ta enemigu mortal di Iran i kasi pa definishon ta kontra tur kos ku Iran ta sostené. Saudi Arabia ta Suni i ke kore ku al-Assad. Tambe e ta kontra di ISIS.
Turkia: Komo un pais Suni, Turkia ta anti al-Assad i semper a lucha kontra di ISIS. E problema grandi di Turkia ta ku Merka (histórikamente su aliado) ta sostené e Kurdonan bringa kontra di ISIS na Siria. Turkia ta enemigu mortal di e Kurdonan ku tin ambishon di un dia forma nan mes pais, Kurdistan. Kurdonan ta biba aktualmente na Siria, Irak i Turkia entre otro. Turkia tin algun dékada ta lucha kontra di e grupo Kurdo, PKK ku ta basá na Turkia i Irak.
Fransha, Reino Uní i algun otro pais oksidental: E paisnan aki no ta sostené al-Assad pero ta sostené algun grupo ku nan ta konsiderá moderá den e kolashon di FSA. E problema pa e paisnan aki, inkluso Merka, ta ku nan no sa ken eksaktamente nan mester sostené den e lucha pa kore ku al-Assad. Ningun hende tin konfiansa ku esun ku remplasá al-Assad lo ta un hende ku stima demokrasia.
Kurdonan: E grupo aki a mustra balentia i a logra aplastá ISIS. Nan ta eksihí ‘return on investment’ i ta fèrwagt sosten di Merka den nan ambishon pa haña nan mes pais. Esaki ta pone tenshon entre Turkia i Merka. Nos por a mira kon resientemente Rusia i Turkia a start un romanse tokante Siria sin presensia di Merka.
Rusia: E pais aki ta sostené al-Assad i no ke un kambio di gobièrnu. Siria ta Rusia su mihó aliado den Medio Oriente i ta mira su presensia na Siria -unda e tin un base militar- komo un kontra-balansa pa e influensia grandi di Merka den e region. Rusia a drenta e konflikto Sirio pa yuda al-Assad bringa kontra di ISIS, pero tur kos ta indiká ku (tambe) e ta yuda al-Assad kontra di e koalishon RFA.
Merka: Merka ta bria pa su falta di strategia na Siria. Obama a deklará ku al-Assad mester bai. Trump ta duna señal ambiguo si e mester bai si òf no. E problema ta keda ken ta bin na lugá di al-Assad. Iran lo haña mas di bisa na Siria ku tin un frontera ku Israel? Hezbollah, ku ta enemigu di Israel, ta haña mas kaminda pa kana na Siria pa planea kontra di e estado Hudiu? Merka lo bandoná e Kurdonan na fabor di Turkia despues di tantu balentia pa kore ku ISIS?

7. Arma kímiko i bombardeo
Avionnan di Merka, Fransha i Reino Uní resientemente a bombardiá algun fasilidat na Siria. E hustifikashon ta uso di arma kímiko dor di al-Assad kontra sívilnan inosente. Al-Assad, Russia i Iran ta bisa ku hinter e asuntu aki ta unu fabriká. E siman aki inspektornan di Nashonnan Uní (UN) ta bai investigá si realmente arma kímiko a keda usá. E mandato di UN sinembargo no ta pa determiná di unda e arma kímiko a originá ni tampoko determiná ken a instruí pa usa arma kímiko. Si keda establesé ku arma kímiko a keda usá, mundu ta keda den espektativa pa e kontesta prinsipal: Di ken a armanan kímiko ta i ken a duna òrdu pa usanan.

Podgorica, Montenegro

 

How to squander our autonomy

Forget about the unlikely recolonization of Curaçao by The Netherlands or any other country for that matter. The real danger to our autonomy is our inability to govern ourselves effectively. Those who keep yapping about becoming an EU ultra-peripheral region, commonwealth or other exotic dreamed-up status keep missing this point. Constitutional structure on to itself is no guarantee for good governance that translates to more well-being for our people. It’s the quality of the people who manage the structure and democratic institutions that are critical.

Yet, we have been governing on a hunch, basing policy on talkshow opinions, guesswork, thoughtless demands by pressure groups and popular-sounding slogans. We only need to remind ourselves of the recent idea to import hundreds of hungry cows and having them fed on very limited land. We have spent millions on space travel that proved to be wishful thinking. We accepted a monetary union between Curaçao and Sint Maarten without any previous economic (impact) study. Remember the fiasco of those illegible vehicle license plates, the removal of much needed aggreko generators, importation of right hand drive vehicles even though we’ve a left hand drive infrastructure, and the Guangdong Zhenrong pipe dreams about the refinery and a Las Vegas-style development of hotels and casino’s? And the list goes on.

Any decision-making process based on shooting from the hip rather than data and research misses its target and will never allow us to realize our collective potential. Yet, we still don’t believe in collecting data let alone analyzing and using them to write policy. An eminent local education specialist recently said in an interview that while he knows international organizations that are willing to evaluate our education system, no relevant data exist about our system, making an evaluation impossible.

One of the problems is that we’re all over the place. Each ministry wants to score and spends precious resources on projects they think will help them on election day. While I do think we should have a diversified economy, we must stay realistic. Especially taking into consideration our size and dwindling population. I believe we have to stick to those things we do well and have a comparative advantage doing.

In his article “Singapore Policy Studies: Emerging Trends”, Professor of Political Science at the National University of Singapore, Jon Quah, attributes Singapore’s success as a direct result from its model to use research and data to arrive at policy making. Many other Asian states have followed and now rely on data gathering and long-term planning as a central piece in their policy making. Their success speaks volumes. Many years ago we had something that resembled a planning institute, the Sociaal Economisch Planbureau. But we eliminated it and never replaced it.

Again I state the obvious. There’s no silver bullet, no miracle that will bring us well-being and jobs. It’s long term planning based on reliable data, research and the courage to steer away from those screaming populists that will result in policy making -however impopular they may be- that will allow us to take advantage of the many opportunities that exist on & offshore.

If we continue to shoot from the hip, govern on a hunch we won’t ever bring about the changes needed that will lift up the economy that has hardly grown during the last decades. Most importantly, if we do not change course, we will keep compromising our autonomy which we got in 1951 after a long and arduous campaign. We must not forget that the rise in populism and accompanying deterioration of democratic pillars in many countries around the world is a direct result of traditional democracies not living up to the promise of welfare for all. Our autonomy we hold so dear depends on the quality of the men and women who govern us. Then again, it’s easier to create an outside enemy than change our ways.

Skopje, Macedonia

80 aña Staten i demokrasia parlamentario

“Mi ta enfatisá ku un struktura nobo riba su mes no ta garantia pa bon gobernashon. Mas importante ku kualkier struktura di gobernashon ta kalidat i onestidat di e hòmbernan ku ta manehá e struktura”. — Sr. Josuah Cohen Henriquez (Shon Jossy), Presidente di Koloniale Raad na final di e último reunion di e instituto kolonial (31 di mart 1938).

Introdukshon

Riba 5 aprel 1938, 80 aña pasá, e promé Staten a remplasá Koloniale Raad ku a dura un total di 104 aña. Ku esaki nos historia di demokrasia parlamentario a start. E ta un sistema basá riba e pensamentu ku miembronan di parlamento ta representá e pueblo ku a vota pa nan i ku a delegá nan poder temporalmente (en prinsipio pa 4 aña) na e miembronan di parlamento. Demokrasia parlamentario tambe kier men ku e poder ehekutivo (Gobièrnu) ta dependé di e echo ku e por konta ku konfiansa di mayoria di e miembronan di parlamento. Sin e konfiansa aki Gobièrnu no tin un base di poder pa hasi su trabou.

Huramentashon di 14 miembro di Staten

Riba 5 di aprel 1938 un total di 14 miembro a tuma asiento den nos promé Staten. Di e 14 nan aki, solamente 10 a drenta via di voto popular. Nan tabata: Sres. I.H. Capriles; M.F. da Costa Gomez; A.W.J.M. Desertine; J.M.P. Kroon; E.C. Martijn i J. Rustige pa Kòrsou. Sres. J.R. Arends i J.M. De Cuba pa Aruba. Sr. J. De Jongh pa Boneiru. Sr. W.R. Plantz pa Islanan Ariba. Miembronan ku a keda apuntá pa Korona tabata e èks miembronan di e delaster Koloniale Raad: Sres. J.H. Sprockel; C.N. Winkel i S.A. Senior. Tambe a apuntá F. Ph. Bichon van Ysselmonde (hurista i miembro di direktiva enseñansa protestant). En total mester tabatin sinku miembro apuntá, pero na momentu di e promé Staten tabata falta pa apuntá e di sinku miembro.

Promé tarea Staten nobo: simplifiká Kiesreglement

Gobernadó Gielliam J.J. Wouters a hasi apertura di Staten 80 aña pasá i den su diskurso no a laga ningun duda kiko ta bai ta e prioridat di e kolegio aki: “Binnenkort zal de Staten een voorstel bereiken, beoogende een technische herziening van het Kiesreglement en het aanbrengen van wijzigingen o.m. ten doel hebbende het aantal kiesgerechtigden uit te breiden, de formaliteiten voor het bekomen van het bekwaamheidskiesrecht te vereenvoudigen en het lijstenstelsel in te voeren.” Realidat a mustra ku ta mas fásil papia di kambio ku logra kambio. E divishon feros den Staten, di kua nos lo papia despues, a stroba e proseso di kambio.

Dòktor da Costa Gomez ta onra un pilar di nos demokrasia

Moises Frumencio da Costa Gomez (Dòktor), miembro di Curaçaosche Rooms Katholieke Partij i sin duda e Miembro di Staten mas popular a skohe pa no pone fiesta pa selebrá nos promé Staten. Djis despues di instalashon riba 5 aprel 1938, Dòktor ta bai graf di Abraham Mendez Chumaceiro pa gradisí e pionero yu di tera aki di a hasi posibel e promé Staten di nos pais. Aki da Costa Gomez a bisa: “Moge het voorbeeld van Chumaceiro voor ons allen een krachtige spoorslag zijn om onze beste krachten evenals hij, aan de belangen van land en volk te wijden.” Chumaceiro mes a muri hopi aña promé ku e por a mira su soño bira realidat.

Un lucha largu

Nos demokrasia no a surgi di su mes pero a tuma hopi tempu, lucha i perseveransha di nos antepasadonan pa yega na e tipo di demokrasia ku nos tin awe. Anteriormente mi a skibi kaba riba e tema aki. Ku introdukshon di e Kiesreglement 1937, pa di promé biaha residentenan di e isla di Kòrsou por a bai urna. Pa por a vota bo mester tabata hende hòmber, mayó di 25 aña di edat, tin un salario anual di mínimo f 1,200, no debe belasting i tin 7 aña di enseñansa básiko. Si bo no tabata kumpli ku e rekisito di 7 aña di enseñansa básiko bo por a pasa un tèst na Ulandes pa midi bo kapasidat intelektual. E Kiesreglement tabata sumamente kompliká i kurioso. Por ehèmpel, hende muhé no por a vota, pero hende muhé si por a postulá su mes pa keda elihí. Pero kisas mas kompliká tabata e echo ku e sistema di elekshon no tabata konosé partido polítiko (ounke nan tabata eksistí) pero solamente kandidato. Pa kolmo, un hende na Kòrsou por a vota pa un máksimo di seis hende pareu durante di e elekshon aki. Na Aruba por a vota pa un máksimo di dos kandidato, na Boneiru i Islanan Ariba, pa un solo kandidato). Basá riba e rekisitonan di voto, solamente 5% di e poblashon di Kòrsou, esta 2,030 hende hòmber por a vota di kua 1,665 a bai vota riba 22 desèmber 1937. Na e promé elekshon a partisipá na Kòrsou kandidatonan di 4 partido polítiko: Curaçaosche Rooms Katholieke Partij, Curaçaosche Politieke Unie, Jong Curaçao Stroming en Curaçaosche Scheepvaart Maatschappij. Promé ku Chumaceiro tabata Sr. Généreux de Lima, e promé yu di tera di koló miembro di Koloniale Raad, ku riba 22 novèmber 1869 a pidi pa derechi di voto pa Yunan di Kòrsou.

Un Staten dividí 8-7

Dòktor a kue e palabranan di Gobernadó Wouters pa kambio di nos Kiesreglement tene duru. For di e promé dia e a start e proseso pa trese kambio ya mas hende, prinsipalmente esnan nasé riba e islanan, por a vota. E divishon den Staten, na un banda 8 miembro katóliko i e otro, 7 no-katóliko a demostrá di ta un faktor ku a debilitá kambio. Manera nos a mira, e Kiesreglement 1937 a pone ku masha poko masa yu di tera ku tabata katóliko por a vota, mientrás ku un kantidat grandi nasé na Ulanda i protestant si tabata kalifika sin problema pa vota. E élite protestant ku tabata tolerá e grupo hudiu (ku sigun nan no tabata papia Ulandes na drechi) a djòin forsa ku nan den Staten kontra di e mayoria di katólikonan. Mester bisa tambe ku bou di e katólikonan no ta tur hende tabata di akuerdo ku derechi di voto pa hende muhé. Frater Radulphus su palabranan riba votamentu tabata resoná: “Ku laga tur hende hòmber vota mes, Dios sa. Kòrda hende muhé”. Un petishon di Dòktor pa hasi e tèst intelektual pa por vota tambe na Papiamentu a keda rechasá pa un mayoria den Staten. Apesar ku a bin algun kambio chikí ku a amplia e kandidat ku por a vota, a dura te 1949 pa hende hòmber i muhé por a vota. E bataya pa trese kambio tabata duru pa motibu di e divishon religioso. Durante di e periodo aki e promotor di kambio, Dòktor, a asta keda kompará den reunion di Staten komo Hitler.

Despues di 80 aña: Tempu pa evaluá

Nos demokrasia no ta algu státiko ni perfekto. Lokual pues ta nesesario ta pa konstantemente traha pa perfekshoná e sistema. Un sistema den kua tur hende tin e libertat i abilidat di partisipá den elaborashon i atministrashon di regla/lei ku ta rigi institutonan ku ta goberná nan. Ta un obligashon pa nos keda perfekshoná nos demokrasia pa asina esaki duna kontesta satisfaktorio na nos sirkunstansia i retonan partikular. Demokrasia parlamentario ta respondé na nos nesesidatnan ainda? Portá mester pensa riba un demokrasia konstitushonal? Un kos ta sigur, nos no por simplemente kopia sistema di gobernashon di otro pais, ni maske kon bon e ta traha einan. Nos mester traha riba nos mes modelo. Final di kuenta ta sumamente importante pa nos realisá ku kualkier modelo demokrátiko ta kai o lanta ku e hendenan ku ta praktik’é. Pues nos no por pèrdè for di bista e importansia di invertí den e hende ku mester traha den e struktura.

Skopje, Macedonia

Pakiko Heineken a sera Amstel: un análisis

Siere di serbeseria Amstel dékada pasá despues di mas ku 50 aña di eksistensia riba nos isla a kousa hopi konsternashon. E serbeseria a hasi algun fayo gerensial-stratégiko ku a debilitá su posishon ku konsekuensia ku su doño prinsipal, Heineken -e di dos serbeseria mas grandi na mundu- a ser’é. Sinembargo tin hende ainda ke bende ku ta ami komo minister di Ekonomia a sera e serbeseria. Un yamada di un korant lokal pa kontestá algun pregunta tokante di e tema aki a ponemi bai bèk na un charla ku mi a duna na mi studiantenan di Universidat di Antia (awe University of Curaçao) na 2010 riba siere di e serbeseria. E artíkulo ta basá riba e charla en kuestion.

Introdukshon

Antilliaanse Brouwerij (Amstel), yu di Amstel Brouwerij na Ulanda a keda establesé na 1958 na Kòrsou i na final di 1959 a produsí su promé bòter di serbes. E kondishon Ulandes pa establesimentu di e fábrika tabata protekshon di merkado (apesar ku na Ulanda Amstel Brouwerij no tabatin protekshon). No tabata inusual ku kompanianan mionario establesé na Oropa tabatá eksihí protekshon komo kondishon pa invertí den paisnan den desaroyo.

Den nòmber di protekshon Amstel tabata paga ménos ku suèldu mínimo

Protekshon pa e serbeseria a keda legalmente akordá un aña promé ku e promé serbes a subi merkado. Ku ayudo di protekshon, kos tabata drei zetá i Amstel tabata hasi ganashi i tabata emití dividendonan kuantioso pa su doñonan. Pa varios aña dividendonan di 18% tabata bai pa doñonan. Remarkabel tabata ku apesar di e periodo di bonansa aki, trahadónan no a probechá manera e doñonan. Es mas, Amstel a pidi i a haña ainda mas protekshon ku ya kaba e tabatin ora Gobièrnu a reglá ku nan por a paga nan trahadónan 75% di e suèldo mínimo. Te leu ku mi sa, nunka antes ni despues, Gobièrnu a pèrmití un doño di trabou legalmente paga su trahadónan bou di suèldo mínimo.

Kiko tabata e idea di maneho di protekshon?

E argumento prinsipal pa protekshon di merkado, popular den vários pais den añanan 50 i 60, tabata pa yuda un empresa ku kaba di start, gatia te ora e kana riba su mes forsa. Prinsipalmente bou di paisnan ku a haña nan independensia den e periodo aki e tabata e maneho preferí pa stimulá industria propio. E paisnan en kuestion tabata eksportá materia prima pa paisnan industrial ku tabata kombertí esaki den produktonan final. Protekshon mester a yuda e paisnan den desaroyo start ku industria ku ta traha produktonan final enbes di solamente eksportá materia prima ku relativamente tabata trese poko plaka den lachi. Mayoria pais den añanan 80 a eliminá protekshon. Esaki tabatin ke ber ku finalisashon di e Ronda di Uruguay (UR) pa redusí barera tarifario i no-tarifario pa ku importashon di merkansia. UR a duna lus despues na e Organisashon Mundial di Komèrsio (WTO).

Protekshon di merkado na Kòrsou

Protekshon di merkado a keda introdusí sin ku nos tabatin materia prima propio. Banda di protekshon no tabatin ningun strategia pa fábrikanan ku a haña protekshon bira mas efisiente i ménos dependiente di protekshon. Protekshon a bira un derechi atkerí ku a dura te 2010. Poko hende ta para ketu ku esun ku semper ta paga pa protekshon ta e kumpradó.

Tabatin tres tipo di protekshon. 1. Rekargo ekonómiko: un belasting èkstra riba un produkto protehá. Habon tabata protehá i mester a tene habon importá mas barata pafó poniendo 90% belasting. Pues habon X di Merka ku pagando derechi di importashon (invoerrechten) ta Naf 1 ta bira Naf 1.90 despues di belasting. 2. Tabata pone límite na e kantidat di un produkto protehá ku por a importá oumentando burokrasia i korupshon (manera e kaso di importashon di outo segunda mano). 3. Monopolio, e forma di mas severo di protehá. Esaki ta enserá ku solamente un fábrika por a traha sierto produkto (manera habon, zeta dushi).

Algun fábrika tabatin tur forma di protekshon pareu. Den kurso di añanan kasi 80 produkto a haña protekshon entre otro chukulati, pindakas, limonada, saku di plèstik, te, suku, fèrf, produktonan di heru i stal.

Desishon pa kita protekshon di merkado

Maneho di protekshon no tabata trese ningun industria nobo Kòrsou. Kontrali, hopi negoshi ku protekshon a sera manera esun di te, chukulati,
pindakas i un negoshi di heru ku unilateralmente a purba di kita protekshon (na un manera ilegal) pa liberá su mes for di e maneho.

Otro argumento pa eliminá protekshon tabata e echo ku nos tabata kibrando nos palabrashonnan ku WTO -dor di mantené e protekshon indebido aki- ku te awe, si paisnan miembro ke, por kobra nos hopi Naf mión na daño di pèrhuisio.

E argumento prinsipal tabata ku ta e konsumidó tabata paga pa tene e fábrikanan protehé, inkluso Amstel, na bida. Preisnan tabata haltísimo pa motibu di protekshon. Nos a mira e ehèmpel di habon. E 95% di rekargo (economische heffing) tabata keda pagá pa e kumpradó i e plaka tabata bai den kaha di Gobièrnu. E doñonan di fábrika protehá tabata gana dor ku e pueblo mester a kumpra e produkto lokal pasombra esun mas barata di afó, mester a paga asina tantu belasting ku e tabata bira mas karu ku esun lokal. Esaki a pone ku siendo un pais turístiko e produkto Kòrsou tabata mas karu ku nos kompetidornan sin protekshon, manera pais Aruba i St. Maarten.

Na aña 2000 a disidí di kita e maneho di protekshon basá riba un nota ku mi a skibi, e tempu ei komo ámtenar. A duna 5 aña pa kada fábrika (inkluso Amstel) ahustá i kuminsá produsí mas efisientemente.

Amstel ta pidi protekshon i supsidio di Naf 5 mión pa aña

Ku protekshon finalisando na 2005, Amstel a hasi trámite pa pidi protekshon nobo. Ni Amstel ni Heineken aparentemente a logra pa pone e serbeseria drei mas kompetitivo i a skohe pa pidi Gobièrnu pa anualmente e risibí un supsidio di Naf 5 mión. E konstrukshon di e petishon aki tabata pa eksonerá Amstel for di paga aksèins anual ku ta suma Naf 5 mion, mientras mester a kobra aksèins riba tur otro serbes ku no ta Amstel.

Ami ku e tempu ei (2005) tabata Minister di Ekonomia a ninga Amstel su petishon redondamente. Mi no tabata kere ku nos mester supsidiá un empresa privá. No lubidá ku Heineken ta e di dos serbeseria mas grandi na mundu i ku su ganashinan ta mas ku Naf. 3 mil mión. Pues gerensha i sindikato tabata ke pa nos supsidiá un kompania ku su ganashi ta mitar di nos Produkto Interno Bruto. Sinku Naf mión ku nos mes aki ta yen di mester pa enseñansa, bibienda i pa drecha kalidat di bida den nos barionan. Doñonan di Amstel ku a logra kombensé sindikato pone preshon i asta a menasami, a insistí ku si Gobièrnu no duna Naf 5mión nan lo sera. Mi a para riba mi punto apesar di preshon. Tirando un bista bèk awe, no tin ningun duda ku mi lo tuma e mesun desishon.

E rason ku Amstel a sera

E maneho di protekshon di mas ku 50 aña a krea un situashon di monopolio i seguransa pa Amstel ku e doñonan a kere lo a dura pa semper. Presisamente esaki a resultá den su kaida.

Amstel basá riba e pensamentu di monopolio i e merkado lokal pa su so a hasi algun desishon stratégiko robes ku a bin kosté karu. Na di promé lugá a invertí den mashinnan ku kapasidat grandi. Esaki a resulta funesto pasombra dor di kompetensia (apesar di protekshon) e ‘aandeel’ den merkado di serbes lokal a baha ku konsekuensia ku e mashinnan tabata traha bou di nan kapasidat ku konsekuensia atrobe ku e proseso di traha serbes a bira mas inefisiente, resultando den ‘kostprijs’ mas haltu.

Adishonalmente mester bisa ku pa un o otro rason Amstel no tabata kerí riba tur e islanan di Antia Hulandes, prinsipalmente Aruba i St Maarten, e merkadonan di mas grandi despues di Kòrsou.

E di tres problema ta ku Amstel no a bai ku tempu pa loke ta trata e deseonan di e bebedó di serbes lokal. Pa un rason of otro (pero konfirmá pa gerensia di Amstel) e bebedó lokal di serbes su smak a kambia pa un serbes mas zoet. Amstel a resultá di ta muchu marga i hopi bebedó (apesar di protekshon) a kambia pa Polar ku tabata mas zoet. Esaki a pone ku Amstel a pèrdè parti di merkado lokal. (Tuma nota ku e kliente no a switch pa Polar pa motibu di preis mas barata. Polar i Amstel tabata bende por detal pa e mesun preis).

Ounke ku mi no ke sinta riba stul di gerensia, ta parsemi ku mester a tene kuenta ku e sabor di e serbes. Mester tabata mas alèrt pa ku e kompetensia fuerte i mester tabata mas inovativo. Finalmente mester a eksihí di e doño mayoritario, Heineken, pa e asumí su responsabilidat na lugá di skonde tras Gobièrnu. Ami ta kombensí ku e doño, manera ta kustumber den mundu gerensial, a tuma un desishon netamente gerensial ku tabata pas den e plannan global di Heineken pa stòp produkshon na Kòrsou. Meskos a pasa ku Texas Instruments, Royal Shell, ABN-AMRO na Kòrsou i hopi planta i fábrika rònt mundu.

Lès di pasado i bista pa futuro

E protekshon di merkado ku nos a kopia di afó no a kuadra den nos konteksto i no a kondusí na e resultadonan deseá. No tabatin un maneho industrial real pa kompañá protekshon di merkado. Hasimentu di negoshi (ku eksepshon di agrikultura) ku protekshon ta un historia di pasado den un mundu kompetitivo, di kada biaha mas tratado komersial i mas pais ku ta bira miembro di WTO.

Mi ta lamentá ku na momentu di siere di Amstel hende a pèrdè trabou. Pero manera nos a mira, a bin hopi kompetensia dor ku a start importashon di serbes di otro pais. Hopi hende a haña trabou den distribushon di serbes importá. Tambe awe tin serbeserianan lokal ku a lanta ku tambe ta duna trabou. E kuponan di trabou nobo aki lo no por a bin si protekshon a keda.

Sinembargo mantenshon di e fabrika kostando pueblo Naf 5 miyon no ta hustifiká den mi buki. Unda a tende ku pueblo mester supsidiá un multinashonal kapitalista. Loke ta kurioso ta ku sindikalismo a para na banda di e multinashonal/kapital i a eksihí pa hinka man den saku di pueblo pa un supsidio anual di Naf 5 mión pa un empresa milyadario.

Nos no mester pretendé ku ta asina-asina industrianan grandi ta bin establesé na Kòrsou. Pakiko por ehèmpel un fábrika di traha tapeit di Persia lo bin Kòrsou si e por traha nan mas efisientemente na Iran òf Bangladesh? Nos no mester kere den milagernan di industrianan grandi. Loke nos mester hasi ta konsentrá riba lokual nos ta bon den dje, invertí den enseñansa, inovashon, subi produktividat, sera tratadonan komersial (inkl. partnership stratégiko ku empresanan estranhero), fleksibilisá nos merkado laboral i atmishon di estranhero ku konosementu.

Tin oportunidat pa serbeseria na Kòrsou. No den e sentido di produkshon masal. I sigur no ku protekshon. Nos ta papia aki di mikro-serbeseria. Un mikro-serbeseria mará kisas na un o mas restourant, bar. Aktualmente mi ta trahando na Kyrgyzstan unda tin varios mikro-serbeseria eksitoso. Un ku mi a haña interesante ta Save the Ales ku ta un mikro serbeseria ku varios tipo i sabor di serbes trahá den nan propio establesimentu. Lokual ta yama atenshon ta ku e serbeseria aki ta manehá i operá kompletamente pa hende muhé. Save the Ales a bira un atrakshon turístiko. Nos tin espasio pa mikro serbeseria na Kòrsou.

Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan

Our moral obligation as the Venezuelan refugee crisis wears on

Outside the United Nations (UN) building in N’Djaména (Chad) where I used to work, they lined up every day early in the morning. Refugees with their hands in the air seeking someone to lift them up. Refugees crying for help, because most of them are innocent people who are tired of war, persecution and other calamities. In my office, a UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) poster showing two messages: “Refugee, go back home” and  “He would if he could” (see photo), served as a daily reminder that there is no pleasure in fleeing one’s home.

No one disagrees that the arrival of scores of people fleeing the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela to come to Curaçao presents real challenges for our island. But the lack of compassion and humanity shown so far by the Government of Curaçao (GoC) is frankly disconcerting. It’s true that Curaçao is struggling with its own problems, but which country isn’t? It may also be true that we lack a comprehensive asylum policy. But are we therefore absolved from doing our best to accommodate these people and offering them a helping hand?

What’s happening in Venezuela is the largest displacement of people in Latin American history according to the UN. The number of people that need to be attended to is growing exponentially and beyond our capacity to absorb. I’m however not arguing for open-ended commitments to receive people from our southern neighbor. I’m advocating first of all for a humane and compassionate approach by the GoC. It seems that cabinet members are so consumed by legal technical reasons as to why Curaçao is not bound by international conventions to help refugees that they hardly noticed how they’ve failed the humanitarian standards by which they were expected to govern.

I hope the GoC unequivocally states that it’s willing to cooperate and ready to accept international aid to face this crisis. Aid that must come from the Kingdom of The Netherlands and the UN. One of the challenges that the UN must overcome however is that the international donor’s response for monies and other resources for the Venezuelan crisis has been so far been nothing like the resources committed to servicing the refugee crisis in Syria and Myanmar. This has to change.

What also has to change is our misconception about refugees. These are people, not numbers. Refugees are for the most part innocent victims who have experienced many extremely stressful events that cause them to flee. Yet, our (political) discourse about refugees rarely takes into account the trauma that these people are going through and how difficult it must be to leave home.

That the once proud citizens of the richest nation in Latin America, are starving and fleeing Venezuela must teach us that no one is immune from crises. We in Curaçao could also become victims of natural or man-made disasters forcing us to flee. If that were the case, would we want to be left to our own devices?

Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan

Why I write in English

People choose to write in another language for different reasons. When Irishman Samuel Beckett was asked why he wrote in French and not in English he answered: “More and more my own language appears to me like a veil that must be torn apart in order to get at the things behind it.”

While I will not compare myself with this literary master my reason for writing mainly in English (and not in my native Papiamentu nor in Dutch) stems from a deep-rooted need to communicate with the world. I guess this is why as a globalist I pride myself to consider the whole wide world as my playground.

Many a time while visiting or talking to foreign (key)players from all corners of the world, I’m convinced that there’s a void of scholarly and serious accounts in English about our country. Yes, the internet has plenty of information for (would-be) tourists, but aren’t we more than sand on the seashore? I started my blog precisely to fill this void. In my very first article I said that my goal was making sense of world events, especially those that directly impact our lives, pocketbooks, personal freedoms and the environment. Statistics provided by my blogging system indicate that my articles are read by thousands of readers from 97 countries so far.

And since I’m on the subject, I encourage more people to write in English. Especially certain press releases from Government should be translated to English. When I was State Secretary of Finance I often sent press statements in English to the Caribbean News Network which were often picked up by media outlets in Barbados, Jamaica and others. If we don’t we’ll remain stranded in information isolation.

So the group in my native Curaçao that goes around murmuring with a sense of indignation that I should write in Dutch is either missing the point or suffers from megalomania. By the way, the fourth largest group of visitors to my site are from the Netherlands. Actually all this is very simple. If it irritates you to read my articles in English, realize that you don’t have to. There are many non-English blogs out there.

Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan

 

#MeToo Curaçao

As we reflect on Women’s Day this year, men and women can be grateful for the many strides we’ve made on women’s rights. Long gone are the days that Friar (Frater) Radulphus on behalf of the Church declared that women were too stupid to vote. Women no longer have to quit their jobs after they get married, they’re not excluded from entering professions like law and medicine and they can own properties in their own names. Yet, we remain a deeply male-dominated society where physical and mental abuse against women are daily occurrences in the workplace, at home, and during social contact. We cannot be complacent.

It is unmistakably obvious that these abuses stem from a deeply rooted disrespect for women. Society has condoned this behavior against women from the moment they are born trapping them in a pattern that’s difficult to break. Men and women are to be blamed for the lasting nature of this problem. Somehow mothers, fathers, family members, church, government, and social leaders are quick to downplay abuse against women as “cultural”. We used the same lame excuse against universal voting rights 70 years ago and today we use it against LGBTQ rights. To think “that’s the way men are and we’ve to deal with it” may sweep the problem under the rug, but will not solve anything.

Parents, but especially women (because they spend more time educating our children) should stop raising boys according to the “boys will be boys” mantra which somehow entitles them to disrespect girls. Women should also be empowered by the #MeToo movement and denounce abuse. This movement started in the U.S. to denounce sexual misconduct by men with power over their victims but has since spread to many countries. In a large Kenyan hospital, women workers fed up with being harassed by their male colleagues when they breastfeed started the first #MeToo in Africa. Sexual harassment crosses socioeconomic racial and cultural barriers.

Sexual misconduct by men with power over their victims in Curaçao is real and has been whispered for a long time. Some contend that we are too small for the potential social upheaval we’ve seen unfold elsewhere. Some women are afraid of being ostracized by society if they come forward. The fact is however that women everywhere -also from small countries like ours- have rights and ought not to be mistreated. I’m all for using the #MeToo movement as an empowerment tool. The implementation here will necessarily have to reflect our particular circumstances. Sexual misconduct, violence, and injustice against women in Curaçao will -as history has taught us- not be solved in the short term or without disruption.

Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan

Evaluá nos relashon ku Parlatino

Algun dia despues ku e miembronan di Staten a sinta riba 2 novèmber 2012, urgentemente lidernan di frakshon a keda yamá pa un reunion. Na e momento ei e gobièrnu nobo no a sinta, no tabata konosí ken ta koalishon i kende oposishon. E promé punto tabata pa proponé un kandidato pa Presidente di Staten ku despues di algun siman lo a baha pa traha lugá pa Marcolino Franco. Ora mi a kera ku e otro punto(nan) lo ta ‘aanwijzing’ o futuro di refeneria mi a keda babuká di tende ku tabata trata di un invitashon di Parlatino pa un biahe. Mi tabata e úniko lider di frakshon ku a vota kontra. Mi no a mira e relevansia ni urgensia.

Promé ku sigui ta bon pa tira un bista atras. For di den komienso di añanan 80, Antia Ulandes a hasi tur esfuerso pa bira miembro di Parlatino ku a forma na 1964. Den un reunion di Parlatino ku a tuma lugá na Bogotá den febrüari 1981, Miembro di Staten Roy van Putten ku a bai ‘lobby’ kuriosamente a bisa: “E úniko relashon ku Antia tin ku Ulanda ta e idioma Ulandes. Pero nos no ta papi’é boluntariamente, sino fòrsá”. Van Putten a kontinuá: “E Antiano di orígen Arubano, Boneriano i Yu di Kòrsou tin kontakto estrecho ku Latino Amérika pa motibu di historia, kultura i deporte. No tin ningun Antiano riba e tres (3) islanan ku no ta papia Spañó, adorá e mesun santunan, baila i kanta e mesun müzik”.

Ni e diskurso aki ni otro esfuersonan ku a sigi no a yuda. Parlatino na 1988 ta manda informá Antia Ulandes ku a rechasá e petishon pa miembresia permanente. Esaki a konsiderá ku un pais no-independiente no por a bira miembro. Apesar di e desapunto, Antia Ulandes no a entregá i despues di hopi kombensementu, Parlatino a akseptá nos komo miembro permanente na 1990.

Nos pais tin pues un historia largu ku Parlatino. E pregunta ta keda ki relevansia e relashon aki tin pa bida di e suidadano aki na Kòrsou? Ta masha normal ku despues di x tempu ta evaluá miembresia na organisashonnan regional. Algun aña pasá Gobièrnu (kier) a evaluá nos miembresia ku Association of Caribbean States. Pakiko no ta evaluá nos miembresia na Parlatino? Esaki sigur en bista di e miles di florin ku nos ta paga anualmente pa miembresia i e biahenan kostoso pa tur tipo di reunion. Staten ku semper tin boka yen di kontrolá Gobièrnu no mester tin miedu pa laga kontrolá su mes. Esaki sigur en bista di hopi reklamo den pueblo, no awe, pero hopi aña kaba pa loke ta Parlatino.

Den kuater aña nunka ami a biaha pa reunionnan di Parlatino. Mi no a mira e relevansia. Di otro banda mi no por a kombensé un mayoria pa sikiera evaluá nos partisipashon na Parlatino. Parlatino a para bira un derechi atkerí di e Miembro di Parlamento pa biaha. Mester bin un kambio.

Willemstad, Curaçao