Gòlpi pa Banko Sentral i Fòrti: Queen of Saba a hasi 40 aña

Queen of Saba segun leyenda tabata un muhé poderoso, riku, bunita i inteligente di Afrika ku lo a biba 3,000 aña pasá. Pa fasinante ku e reina por tabata, e artíkulo aki no ta riba dje, sino tokante nos Queen of Saba. Esun di nos tabata un skandal ku retiru di un minister, stràf pa un direktor di Banko Sentral, involvementu di NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) i kaida di un gabinete. E aña aki ta kumpli presis 40 aña di nos Queen of Saba.

Meskos ku ‘proyekto 1000 baka flaku’, hotèl di 7000 kamber, transporte espasial na Hato, Queen of Saba a primintí seru di plaka na 1981. Lo a krea un moneda Antiyano di oro pa kompetí ku Krugerrand di Sur Afrika i Maple Leaf Canada komo un método di pago internashonal. E proyekto lo a keda ehekutá pa e empresa Hulandes Ofir Experts (Ofir) bou di guia di Huib Luns, yu di Joseph Luns, èks minister di Relashonnan Èksterior di Reino i e tempu ei Sekretario General di NATO. Komo un ‘steun in de rug’ Joseph Luns ta skibi un karta di rekomendashon pa Ofir riba papel ofishal di NATO.

For di tempran problemanan a vislumbrá. Un di e direktornan di Banko Sentral Antiyano (BNA), Rob Braumüller ta gaña ku Ofir lo a depositá Naf 4.5 mion pa e proyekto mientras esaki tabata solamente Naf 0.5 mion. Ademas BNA ta kumpra akshon den Ofir pa 10 biaha mas tantu ku e balor (nominal). Braumüller ta keda di skòrs. Bankonan grandi Hulandes ku na prinsipio tabata habrí pa Queen of Saba, ta kuminsá haña duda.

Minister di Finansa, Marco de Castro, ta haña krítika pasombra e a akordá e palabrashon hasí entre BNA, Fòrti i Ofir sin aprobashon di Staten. Esaki ta pone Miembro di Staten Leo Chance bisa: Mr. de Castro, you are either corrupt or stupid, but I don’t think you’re stupid because recently I applauded your policies . Staten ta èksihí pa de Castro kibra e ‘letter of intent’ ku Ofir. Ku un moshon di deskonfiansa vislumbrando kontra de Castro, su partido ta proponé un enkuesta parlamentario ku despues asta ta eksihí pa Sekretario General di NATO bin testiguá. Esaki no a sosodé.

De Castro riba 7 desèmber 1981 ta anunsiá ku e lo entregá su retiro. Poko despues Boy Rozendal ta kita sosten na Gabinete Martina l ku no por konta ku un mayoria den Staten.

Durante di 1981 ta traha 18 ehemplar di prueba di e moneda. E proyekto no ta kontinuá i Huib Luns ta demandá Gobièrnu pa Naf 1.1 mion di daño. Na 1986 Fòrti ta sera un ‘deal’ ku Luns sin duna detaye di pago.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Traishon polítiko: Booi ta puñelá Dòktor den lomba na 1954

Traishon den polítika ta komún. Kisas e traishon polítiko mas impaktante den nos historia a tuma lugá algun dia promé ku a firma Statüt riba 15 desèmber 1954. Manera nos lo mira e traishon no a bin di enemigu sino amigu.

Ku outonomia un realidat i un konstitushon nobo, na 1951 nos gobernantenan pa promé biaha a haña responsabilidat ministerial. Dòktor a bira nos promé premier despues di viktoria elektoral riba 21 di desèmber 1950 ku 5 asiento. Na 1954, PNP ta bolbe gana elekshon di Staten di 15 novèmber ku 15,590 voto. Ku un luna pa bai tur kos tabata pinta ku Dòktor lo a seya su obra maestro poniendo su firma bou di Statüt riba 15 desèmber 1954.

Traishon a kambia kurso di historia sinembargo.

Despues di elekshon di 1954 Gobernadó Struycken ta pidi Sr. Yrausquin di PPA (Aruba) riba 20 novèmber 1954 pa forma un gabinete. For di e promé siman di desèmber a bira kla ku lo forma Gabinete Jonckheer (DP Kòrsou), pues lagando PNP afó.

PNP a keda afó pa motibu di bòltumento di su aliado na Boneiru, esta Adelberto Esteban (Shon Bubu) Booi di Partido Progresista. Shon Bubu a disidí di bira lomba pa PNP i djòin ku Lodewijk Daniel Gerharts, su enemigu polítiko na Boneiru pa tene Dòktor afó. Poko despues Booi i Gerharts ta lanta Partido Progresivo Boneriano Uní. E movida aki a sorprende hopi hende ya ku te poko dia promé ku e aliansa aki, Gerharts tabata tilda Booi di ta mucha mandá di Dòktor. Lucina da Costa Gomez (dfm)- e tempu ei asistente di Dòktor – a bisami ku ta PNP a duna Booi sèn pa kampaña.

Booi tabata segun hopi opservadó, e piesa mas swak den Gabinete Jonckheer. Booi tabata un simpel mener di skol spesial i: “hij heeft zich nooit buiten de Boneriaanse dorpspolitiek bewogen” (Het Vrije Volk 9/12/1954). Apesar di esaki e a bira minister ku solamente un (1) asiento.

E traishon di Booi a dal Dòktor duru. E mester a mira kon su oponente polítiko, Efrain Jonckheer ta firma Statüt. Lokual sin duda lo a hasi mas doló ta e hecho ku e mesun Jonckheer ku a bandoná sala di e promé Konferensia di Mesa Rondó na 1948 pa prepará Statüt, i bai keha Hulanda na Colombia, tabata prònk ku e Statüt ku Dòktor a traha ariba for di añanan 1930.

Shon Bubu Booi ta bolbe traishoná su amigunan ora ku algun dia promé ku elekshon di 1958, e ta bira lomba pa Gabinete Jonkcheer i kore kampaña kontra su kompañeronan di kasi 4 aña.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

The UK and US stole a nation and won’t give it back despite court decisions

Sometimes one single story makes us understand the meaning of evil. This is about how a whole population was forced to go live 1,600 km away, while their island was turned into a secret military base. These people’s dogs were killed and were threatened with the same fate if they didn’t abandon their island. You may be thinking about some ghastly dictator somewhere. Think again. This heinous crime was committed by the UK and the US. It didn’t happen in the dark days of colonialism either, but in 1971.

The victims are the inhabitants of Diego Garcia, an Overseas Countries and Territories (OCT) like Curaçao. It belongs to the UK and is smaller in size than Sint Maarten. Diego Garcia, once a paradise–like island, lies midway between Africa and Asia. In the 1960s it was illegally snatched from Mauritius and via a UK-US deal Diego Garcia was made a secret US military base called Camp Justice. All of the 2,000 inhabitants, the Chagossians, were deported as part of this deal.

In response to the unwillingness of the inhabitants to leave voluntarily, the Chagossians were deprived of basic supplies and terrified into leaving. In 1971 all of the pet dogs on the island, about one thousand of them, were rounded up and gassed to death. The Chagossians threatened with the same faith, shortly afterward abandoned their homeland. They were put on a cargo ship, given one mattress per family and allowed to take only one suite case per person. When they arrived in the Seychelles they were imprisoned. Then they were taken to their final destination, Mauritius, which lies 1,000 miles west of Diego Garcia. The Chagossians were described by a top official in London as, “people with little aptitude for anything other than growing coconuts.” In Mauritius not surprisingly cases of suicide, abysmal poverty and prostitution abounded among them. In 1981 each evicted islander got U.S. $ 4,000 from the UK.

Today there are about 2,000 American Troops, 30 ships, including nuclear-armed aircraft carriers on Diego Garcia ready to jump into action against ‘evil in the world’. The Chagossians’ houses, for a great part now overtaken by the jungle, can still be seen with furniture and personal belongings of those forced into exile.

In the year 2000 the UK High Court ruled that the Chagossians were wrongly evicted. But four years later the so-called “royal prerogative” was invoked to nullify the decision. The International Court of Justice in 2019 handed down an advisory opinion which stated that UK’s claim to Diego Garcia was illegitimate. A subsequent non-binding UN resolution passed by an overwhelming majority, demanded that the UK withdraw from Diego Garcia. In 2021, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) confirmed Mauritius’ sovereignty over Diego Garcia. Yet, neither the UK nor the US are willing to abandon Diego Garcia.

Isn’t US’ and UK’s refusal to comply with the ITLOS ruling exactly the same as China’s refusal to accept the Permanent Court of Arbitration’s 2016 award on the South China Sea? It is only with a shocking lack of self-awareness and a high dosis of hypocrisy that either country could accuse Russia, China, Iran and others of undermining the global rules-based order.

“Camp Justice” still exists whilst the Chagossians are denied to get their island back. No protests anywhere in Europe, the “cradle of human rights”. No ‘Je suis Diego Garcia’, or mention of them in the Pope’s weekly sermons. The Chargossians yearn to see their country again. They want to go back to their homes, beaches and loved ones who are buried there. Unfortunately nobody cares.

Willemstad, Curaçao

Barbados a demostrá kon si por

Nos bisiña Barbados a dal un paso importante den su proseso di emansipashon polítiko. Despues di 55 aña di independensia Barbados ta bira un repúblika. Esaki kier men ku un hende di Barbados ta Hefe di Estado i no e Reina di Reino Uní.

Hopi pais den Karibe ku a logra nan independensia di Gran Britania den pasado a keda mantené e Reina komo Hefe di Estado. Asina aki Barbados ta djòin mas isla Karibense ku ya a kibra ku e monarkia Britániko: Trinidad & Tobago, Guyana i Dominica. Ta premirá ku mas isla/pais den mundu lo sigui e ehèmpel aki manera Jamaica i New Zealand.

Monarkia pa e isla korektamente ta un sistema totalmente anti-demokrátiko. E rason prinsipal ku Barbados a tuma e paso aki ta ku nan a demostrá di a manehá nan independensia na un manera satisfaktorio i ku nan mes mester asumí e responsabilidat di hefe di estado.

Remarkabel ta ku Barbados tabata riba e lista di Nashonnan Uní di paisnan no-independiente (List of former Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories) te 1966. Nos, foi 1955 kaba no tabata riba e lista aki pasombra nos tabata “asina leu kaba riba kaminda di outonomia” i por a kombensé hefatura di Nashonnan Uní di esaki.

Sinembargo nos no a sa di manehá nos outonomia na drechi i p’esei nos no a sa di kombensé pueblo i krea konfiansa ku nos mes por asumí (mas) responsabilidat. Kòrsou un tempu tabata kana dilanti riba e plano di emansipashon polítiko den Karibe, danki na nos pionero mr. dr. Moises da Costa Gomez.

E sońo di e emasipadó grandi di Barbados, Errol Barrow, a bira realidat. No tabata un milager, pero trabou duru i sakrifisio. “Blood, sweat and tears”, e aktual Promé Minister Mia Amor Mottley a bisami na 2008 na Bridgetown, Barbados. Pabien pueblo di Barbados.

Nos bentaha a evaporá i nos ta “den reverse”. No por ta un sorpresa ku e kara di e busto di Dòktor na Bottelier ta parse mas tristu kada aña.

Willemstad, Kòrsou.

Colon a kima 50 aña pasá

Djamars lat, kasi mei anochi riba 8 desèmber 1971, sentro komersial Colon tabata na kandela. Un total di 29 tienda ta kima totalmente, pero Colon Supermarket ku tabata un poko mas leu, ta keda di spar. E daño kalkulá tabata Naf 6 mión debí na e echo ku e tiendanan tabata bon surtí den kuadro di benta di fin di aña. Kasi 100 hende ta keda sin trabou. E mesun anochi polis ta detené doño di Center Store, pasombra e a keda señalá den su negoshi te lat i aparentemente e kandela lo a kuminsá den su ‘hardware’. Su siguiente dia mester a lag’é liber pasombra no tabtin indikashon ku ta e a start e kandela. E doñonan di e sentro komersial, W. H. Jolley handelmaatschappij, ku tabata propiedat di religiosonan di e sekta kristian Moravische broeders, a primintí ku Colon lo lanta atrobe.

E sentro komersial tabata situá kaminda tabata e bario Colon. Colon tabata mas bien un refugio pa hendenan ku den siglo 19 tabata hasi e biahe largu di Banda Abou pa stat i vice versa. E hendenan tabata sosegá i pasa anochi bou di algun palu di indju. Despues a lanta algun lots di pieda sin fasilidat higiéniko kaminda un par di shen hende tabata biba, entre otro trahadónan di Klip i Shell ku tabata bin di kunuku. Colon tabata un di e barionan mas pober den nos pais. Pero, Colon tabata semper den moveshon i tabatin hopi bida. Esaki mes a pone ku na 1953 Credit Union Colon, e promé credit union di Kòrsou, a lanta. For di añanan 50, den boka di pueblo tabata bisa: “Colon ta kima” ku tabata nifiká ku kos ta kana i Colon tin bida. Kisas awe lo a bisa “Colon ta sendé”. Pues “Colon ta kima” no tin nada ke ber ku e kandela na 1971. E èkspreshon: “Colon a kima” ku figurativamente kier men ku un situashon a sali foi man, ta hopi usá.

Na aña 1964, 30 òktober,despues di a eliminá tur e lotsnan i ku a ubiká e hendenan den otro bario, sentrokomersial Colon ta habri. Algun di e tiendanan tabata: Colon Color (studio di foto), la Piñata (artíkulo pa fiesta), Colon Petshop, Edward Barbershop, Wayaca (restaurant), Claudia’s Flowershop, Schoenhandel Colon, Sharon (paña pa dama) i Herenmode Colon.

Nunka a kai detenshon pa e kandela aki. Loke si a kousa konsternashon serka nos tabata e hecho ku un dia despues di e kandela na Colon, e agensia di notisia di Hulanda, A.N.P., a pone banda di potrèt di e kandela na Colon, un potrèt di edifisionan na kandela durante di e disturbionan di 30 mei 1969.

Fin di aña 1974, Colon ta habri atrobe, mas grandi, ku mas tienda, mas kupo di trabou i tambe ku mas o ménos 35 bibienda.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Fuentenan: Archivo Nashonal; Amigoe 9/12/1971

 

Minister di salú a bolbe demostrá di no ta e kuchú di mas skèrpi den Fòrti


Trias politica no ta un palabra manera bergonsosamente e minister di Salubridat a bisa, pero un konsepto ideológiko. Un ideologia basá riba pensamentu di seperashon di poder pa kibra ku e poder total ku e Rei/Reina ántes tabatin na Oropa. Den nos pais ta prinsipalmente Moises Frumencio da Costa Gomez a lucha for di 1935 pa demokrasia basá riba e prinsipionan di trias politica (wak: Het Wetgevendorgaan van Curaçao).

Ku e minister di Salubridat no ta e kuchú di mas skèrpi den Forti, a keda demostrá na numeroso okashon prinsipalmente den kaso di e pandemia di COVID. Sinembargo pa e bisa ku te ku algun dia pasá e no a tende di e ‘palabra’ trias politica, no tin defensa. Ta manera bo tende durante buelo ku bo kapitan bisa ku e ta bai konsultá ku su manual pa wak kon ta baha e avion. Den e kaso tristu aki e minister ni sikiera a saka e manual di kon goberná for di plèstik. Kon nos por kuida i asta fortifiká nos demokrasia/outonomia ku hendenan ku no tin kapasidat pa goberná, ni siera komprondé gobernashon? Te ki dia nos ta keda vota pa e tipo di hendenan aki? Relevante tambe ta e pregunta kon largu mas e otro partido, esta PNP, ta sigi tolerá i guli e tiponan di vupá aki den un silensio sepulkral.


Willemstad, Kòrsou

China tries to calm its neighbors amidst fears of war and expansion

Speech by Xi Jinping, President of the People’s Republic of China at the Special ASEAN summit, 22/11/20121. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a regional grouping that promotes economic, political, and security cooperation among its ten members: Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. He promised more aid and not to bully them. This, as the USA has promised the ASEAN to expand the US-ASAEAN strategic partnership. US wants to maintain its position as a security guarantor against rising Chinese ambition in that region. The US lags behind China in terms of economic ties with the ASEAN.

It gives me great pleasure to meet you virtually to jointly celebrate the 30th anniversary of China-ASEAN dialogue relations, to review what we have accomplished together, summarize past experience and draw up a blueprint for the future.

China-ASEAN dialogue relations have gone through an extraordinary journey over the past three decades. These 30 years have witnessed intensive development of economic globalization and profound changes in the international landscape. These 30 years have also seen China and ASEAN seizing opportunities of the times and achieving leapfrog development in our relations. We have cast away the shadow of the Cold War and jointly upheld stability in our region. We have spearheaded economic integration in East Asia, promoted common development and prosperity, and delivered better lives to the over two billion people. We have explored a bright path of good-neighborliness and win-win cooperation, taken strides toward building a closer community with a shared future and made important contribution to the cause of human progress.

Today, we jointly announce the establishment of a China-ASEAN Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. This is a new milestone in the history of our relations and will inject new impetus into peace, stability, prosperity and development of our region and the world.

Colleagues,

The gains in China-ASEAN cooperation over the past 30 years are attributable to our unique geographical proximity and cultural affinity and, more importantly, to the fact that we have actively embraced the development trend of our times and made the right historic choice.

First, we have respected each other and acted by the basic norms of international relations. Oriental culture believes in “not doing to others what we do not desire ourselves”. Equality and harmonious coexistence are our common pursuit. We were the first to advocate the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and the Bandung Spirit. China was the first among ASEAN’s dialogue partners to join the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia. The two sides have accommodated each other’s major concerns, respected each other’s development paths, increased understanding and trust through sincere communication, and properly handled disagreements and problems by seeking common ground while shelving differences, thus jointly upholding and promoting Asian values.

Second, we have cooperated for win-win results and followed a path of peaceful development. China and ASEAN countries have similar historical experiences and share the same goal of securing stability for our countries and happiness for our people. We have firmly upheld regional peace and stability, stayed focused on development, taken the lead in establishing free trade areas, promoted high-quality Belt and Road cooperation, and jointly concluded and signed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), thus promoting integrated development of the region and well-being of our people.

Third, we have looked out for each other and honored the principle of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness. China and ASEAN are neighbors, and mutual assistance is our shared tradition. Both Chinese and Bruneian proverbs have expressions of “sharing bliss and misfortune together”. Our exchanges are as frequent as those between relatives. We value friendship and credibility. We rejoice together in good times, and help each other out in hard times. We have stood with each other through the Asian financial crisis, international financial crisis, COVID-19 and other challenges, thus forging a stronger sense of being a community with a shared future.

Fourth, we have upheld inclusiveness and mutual learning and jointly contributed to open regionalism. China and ASEAN are home to diverse ethnicities, cultures and religions. Diversity and inclusiveness are in our DNA. Drawing wisdom from East Asian civilization, we have steered regional economic integration with an open mind, advanced ASEAN-led regional cooperation through equal-footed consultation, and forged friendships that are open, not exclusionary, with an inclusive attitude, thus honoring the principle of extensive consultation, joint contribution and shared benefits.

The valuable experience we have gained over the past 30 years is the shared asset of China and ASEAN. It lays the foundation and provides guidelines for developing our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. We need to doubly cherish the experience, uphold it over the long run, and keep enriching and expanding it as we go forward.

Colleagues,

A Chinese proverb has it that “Distance tests a horse’s strength, and time reveals a person’s integrity”. China was, is, and will always be ASEAN’s good neighbor, good friend and good partner. I wish to reaffirm that China will unswervingly take ASEAN as a high priority in its neighborhood diplomacy, unswervingly support ASEAN unity and ASEAN Community building, unswervingly support ASEAN centrality in the regional architecture, and unswervingly support ASEAN in playing a bigger role in regional and international affairs.

Not long ago, the Communist Party of China convened the Sixth Plenary Session of its 19th Central Committee and comprehensively reviewed the major achievements and historical experience of the Party over the past century. Full of confidence, the Chinese people are marching forward on the new journey to build China into a modern socialist country in all respects. China’s development will provide more opportunities for and inject strong impetus into the region and the wider world. China stands ready to work with ASEAN to grasp the overriding trend, remove interference, share opportunities and promote shared prosperity. We will implement in earnest our Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, and make new strides toward building a closer China-ASEAN community with a shared future.

Regarding the future relations between China and ASEAN, I wish to make the following five proposals:

First, we can build a peaceful home together. Without peace, nothing would be possible. Maintaining peace is our greatest common interest and the most cherished aspiration of people of all countries. We need to serve as the builders and guardians of peace in the region. We need to pursue dialogue instead of confrontation, build partnerships instead of alliances, and make concerted efforts to address the various negative factors that might threaten or undermine peace. We need to practice true multilateralism and stick to the principle that international and regional affairs be handled through discussion among us all. China firmly opposes hegemonism and power politics. China pursues long-term, friendly coexistence with neighboring countries, and is part of the common efforts for durable peace in the region. China will never seek hegemony, still less bully smaller countries. China supports ASEAN’s efforts to build a nuclear weapon-free zone, and is prepared to sign the Protocol to the Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone as early as possible.

Second, we can build a safe and secure home together. The COVID-19 pandemic has once again proved that no place on Earth is an insulated island enjoying absolute security, and only universal security brings genuine security. China is ready to work with ASEAN countries to jointly build a “health shield” for the region. Under this initiative, China is ready to donate an additional 150 million doses of COVID vaccines to ASEAN countries to support higher vaccination rates in countries in the region. China will contribute an additional US$5 million to the COVID-19 ASEAN Response Fund, step up vaccine joint production and technology transfer, and collaborate on research and development of essential medicines, so as to help ASEAN increase self-reliance. China will support ASEAN in strengthening primary-level public health systems and cultivating human capital for ASEAN to build stronger capacity in response to major public health emergencies. Apart from COVID, our region faces various types of traditional and non-traditional security challenges. In addressing these challenges, it is important to pursue common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, and deepen cooperation in areas such as defense, counter-terrorism, joint maritime search, rescue and exercise, countering transnational crime, and disaster management. Joint efforts are needed to safeguard stability in the South China Sea and make it a sea of peace, friendship and cooperation.

Third, we can build a prosperous home together. I recently put forth the Global Development Initiative to call for collective efforts of the international community to meet challenges, drive global economic recovery and accelerate implementation of the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. This initiative has much to contribute to ASEAN countries’ efforts to meet their development needs, and can be mutually reinforcing with ASEAN Community Vision 2025. China is ready to provide ASEAN with another US$1.5 billion of development assistance in the next three years to support ASEAN countries’ fight against COVID-19 and economic recovery. China is ready to engage in international development cooperation with ASEAN and launch negotiations on an agreement in this area. We support establishment of a China-ASEAN Knowledge Network for Development. China is also ready to strengthen exchange and cooperation with ASEAN on poverty reduction to promote balanced and inclusive development.

We need to fully harness the role of the RCEP, begin work toward a new round of upgrade of the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area at an early date, and enhance the level of trade and investment liberalization and facilitation. We need to expand cooperation in new areas like digital and green economy and build joint demonstration zones for economic innovative development. China has a vast domestic market that will always be open to ASEAN countries. China is ready to import more quality products from ASEAN countries, including buying up to US$150 billion worth of agricultural products from ASEAN in the next five years. We seek high-quality Belt and Road cooperation with ASEAN and cooperation between the Belt and Road Initiative and the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. China will continue to develop demonstration zones for high-quality Belt and Road international industrial capacity cooperation, and welcomes ASEAN countries’ participation in the New International Land-Sea Trade Corridor. China will launch the China-ASEAN Science, Technology and Innovation Enhancing Program, and will provide 1,000 items of advanced and applicable technology to ASEAN and support a program for 300 young scientists from ASEAN to come to China for exchanges in the next five years. We propose a China-ASEAN Digital Governance Dialogue to deepen innovative application of digital technology.

Fourth, we can build a beautiful home together. Harmony with Nature is the basis for humanity’s sustained development. China is ready to open a dialogue with ASEAN on climate response, increase policy communication and experience sharing, and synergize our plans for sustainable development. We may jointly promote a regional energy transition, discuss establishment of a China-ASEAN clean energy cooperation center, and enhance technology sharing in renewable energies. We may intensify cooperation on green finance and investment to support regional low-carbon and sustainable development. China is ready to launch the Action Plan on China-ASEAN Green Agriculture to make our countries’ agricultural sector more resilient and sustainable. We may also energize the China-ASEAN Countries Joint Research and Development Center of Marine Science and Technology, build the Partnership on Blue Economy, and promote marine sustainable development.

Fifth, we can build an amicable home together. We need to advocate peace, development, equity, justice, democracy and freedom, which are common values of humanity, deepen exchanges and mutual learning between civilizations, and fully capitalize on our region’s unique strength of cultural diversity. We need to actively consider orderly resumption of flow of people post the COVID-19 pandemic and continue to promote exchanges in areas such as culture, tourism, think tanks, media and women to build better understanding, bring hearts closer together and form one big family between our peoples. The young people represent the future of China and ASEAN. China will enhance cooperation with ASEAN in vocational education and mutual recognition of diplomas, increase the number of recipients of China-ASEAN Young Leaders Scholarship, and organize events like youth camps. Next year, China will host the Beijing Winter Olympics and the Hangzhou Asian Games, which offer good opportunities for deepening sports exchanges and cooperation between China and ASEAN countries.

Colleagues,

As an ancient Chinese statesman observed, “Designs for justice prevail, and acts for people’s benefit succeed.” Let us keep close to our hearts people’s aspiration for a better life, and put on our shoulders the mission of our times to safeguard peace and promote development. Let us work hand in hand to build on what has been achieved and work toward a closer China-ASEAN community with a shared future, and make our region and the world even more prosperous and beautiful.

55 aña morto di Dòktor: tempu pa konta su historia personal

Manera ta e kaso tur kaminda, ta nesesario iluminá diferente aspekto di éroenan nashonal. Den e kaso spesífiko aki, Moises Frumencio da Costa Gomez (Dòktor). Hasiendo esaki bo ta hasi e éroe mas humano.

Riba 22 novèmber 2021 nos ta konmemorá 55 aña ku Dòktor a muri. Manera kusturber lo enfatisá su logronan polítiko den diskursonan.

Na selebrashon di 100 aña Dòktor na 2007 ami ku mi ekipo di Fundashon mr. dr. M.F. da Costa Gomez a hinka un eksposishon den otro na Landhuis Groot Santa Martha, i a sòru pa trese algun aspekto personal di su bida dilanti. Detayenan manera ku e a nase ku fam Bikker, tabata kolekshoná piedra di koló, tabata un konosedó di materia pa loke ta trata kachó i tabata gusta studia streya ku su teleskop. Nos a ripará ku e parti aki di e eksposishon a generá hopi atenshon.

Un aspekto di e bida personal di Dòktor ku no a keda eksplorá, ta su periodo na Hulanda komo studiante i abogado, su matrimonio ku Elisabeth (Lies) Heiling (Dfm) ku tambe tabata un hurista briyante, su dos yunan muhé, su estadia na London, entre otro. Kòmbersashonnan den pasado ku famia di Sra. Heiling a mustra un otro bista di nos Tata di Outonomia ku ta bal’e la pena keda tresé dilanti.

Te ainda e aspekto polítiko di Dòktor a keda tratá durante tempu. Mi ta konsiderá ku ta tempu pa un bista kompleto di e hende ku Dòktor tabata i kon esaki a formé komo estadista i a influensiá su vishon pa futuro. Nos tin e derechinan pa hasi esaki (por eskrito) di Sra Lucina da Costa Gomez (dfm) i e plan ta pa pronto pone esaki den formato di un buki.

Si nos ke un mihó konosementu di nos éroe, prinsipalmente pa su legado keda biba serka e próksimo generashonnan, nos mester di un bista amplio di dje i no solamente su aspektonan polítiko.

Willemstad, Kòrsou

Korte mester ta mas transparente kon e ta atendé ku fayonan

Anteriormente mi a skibi ku di e trias polítika riba kua nos sistema demokrátiko ta ankrá, e parti ku mihó ta funshoná ta e poder hudisial (Korte). No tin duda. Ku mihó mi kier men ku e poder aki ta basá riba echo, lei i nos konstitushon. Pues e atake shushi di ‘pastornan’ kristian kuestionando konfiabilidat di Korte pasombra esaki ta para pa lei i no e odio ku e kristiannan aki tin kontra di un minoria na Kòrsou, ta lamentabel. Por sierto asina aki demokrasia ta muri; dor di kibra/kuestioná su fundeshinan. https://alexdavidrosaria.wordpress.com/2017/04/19/korte-ta-salbando-nos-demokrasia/

Nos sistema di Korte no ta perfekto. Mi ke trata un di e aspektonan aki, esta kon Korte ta atendé ku su mes fayonan. Ora un notario peka ku su funshon, un ‘tuchtcommissie’ speshal pa notario (ku ta presidí pa e Presidente di Korte) ta disidí kiko mester pasa ku esun ku a faya. Mes kos ta konta pa e profeshon di médiko, abogado, polis i mas. Kiko ta pasa ku un hues ku a faya?

Lagami bai bèk na un kòmbersashon ofishal ku mi tabatin ku e Presidente di Korte siendo (kasi na fin di mi posishon komo) Parlamentario djis despues di e fayo garafal di un hues komisario ku a pone ku un ladron grandi di koper a sali liber. A resultá ku pa falta di plaka i personal huesnan komisario tin biaha tin apenas 30 minüt di tempu pa studia un kaso, promé ku yega na desishon.

Mi no por husga trabou di un hues komisario. Mi pregunta tabata kiko ta pasa ku n’e den e kaso ei? E a/lo keda sanshoná? Kuantu hues a keda sanshoná último tempu? I ken ta evaluá nan funshonamentu?

E kontestanan a sorprendémi. A resultá ku ora algu “straño, inusual òf robes” sosode ta Korte mes, pues nan ku nan, ta evaluá otro. E Presidente di Korte no kier a bisami kuantu biaha esaki a yega di sosodé, tambe e a ninga di bisami kua tabata e sanshonnan ku a yega di imponé den pasado. Mi petishon pa trese un kambio a keda kontestá ku un sonrisa diplomátiko ku ami a mira komo: “Rosaria, peña saka”.

Esaki no por. Trias polítika tei pa balansá (i no separá manera hopi hende ta bisa) poder den nos sistema demokrátiko. E sistema ku mi a deskribí no ta den balansa, e no ta kumpli ku e ‘checks and balances’ ku ta asina importante den un demokrasia, e no ta transparente. I aparentemente no por konta riba Korte pa drecha esaki.

Willemstad, Curaçao

Dòktor i prinsipionan di demokrasia

Mr. dr. Moises Frumencio da Costa Gomez (Dòktor) ta konosí komo e pionero di outonomia ku a bira un realidat 70 aña pasá riba 7 febrüari 1951. Ta bon pa realisá ku Dòktor su lucha pa outonomia i emansipashon polítiko tabata ankrá riba prinsipionan fundamental di demokrasia. Nos ta konstatá ku awe mas ku nunka e prinsipionan di demokrasia den nos pais ta tambaleando. Riba e di 114 aniversario di fecha di nasementu di Dòktor, ta importante nos kòrda atrobe pakiko nos mester kuida i pèrfekshoná nos demokrasia.

Mi ta sali for di e punto di bista ku demokrasia no ta garantisá i mas lihé ku nos ta kere e por desaparesé. Historia ta na mi banda. Konsekuentemente ta importante sa kiko ta forma un menasa pa nos demokrasia.

Demokrasia no ta surgi outomátikamente. Un demokrasia na di promé lugá mester di hende ku ta kere i biba demokrasia i su balornan. E balornan di inklusividat, di kibra barera pa tur grupo i minoria i tambe ‘accountability’. Mas nos keda depositá voto i konfiansa den hendenan ku no ta kere den e prinsipionan aki, mas vulnerabel nos demokrasia i outonomia ta bira.

Un nivel di formashon i pensamentu krítiko di suidadanonan tambe ta un eksihensia pa un demokrasia. Bai tras di hende sin konosementu ku nan agènda di broyo, òf ku ta imponé nan bèrdat personal riba bienestar general, prinsipalmente esnan ku ta usa medionan soshal, ta kisas un di retonan mas importante di nos generashon pa demokrasia.

Demokrasia ta lanta òf kai ku institutonan demokrátiko fuerte. Nos mester konstruí i fortifiká institutonan ku ta ‘accountable’, ku ‘checks and balances’ i ekipá ku hende kapas. Institutonan ku no ta dependé di beis di nan kabesantenan pa por funshoná.

Nos realidat ta mustra ku prinsipionan básiko di demokrasia no ta biba manera mester ta. Religion ta mete den polítika i asta a bai asina leu pa deklará di no tin konfiansa den nos poder demokrátiko di hustisia. Muchu organisashon i partido no ta kere den kibra barera pa tur grupo den nos komunidat, pero mas bien ta lucha pa mantené desigualdat entre grupo. Nos institutonan kada biaha ta mas swak i no ta lo kumpli ku hinter nos komunidat. Konfiansa den nos ‘decision makers’ a bai atras, kreando espasio pa un grupo grandi di lider nobo manipulá, dividí i plama venenu via múltiple plataforma.

Nos demokrasia no ta salú, pero te ainda e grupo ku mas por kambia e rumbo aki, ta nos mes. Laga kada un di nos biba e prinsipionan di demokrasia i prinsipalmente eksihí esaki di nos lidernan.

Jackson Hole, Wyoming